Currently Available Costing and Economic Evaluation Products
The Business Case for Investing in Social and Behavior Change (report) new
Guidelines for Costing Social and Behavior Change Interventions (report) new
The Added Value of Costing Social and Behavior Change Interventions (brief) new
Social and Behavior Change Business Case and Costing Webinar
Generating Evidence to Inform Integrated Social and Behavior Change Programming in Nigeria
Making the Business Case for Social and Behavior Change Programming (activity brief)
The Patient Education Materials Assessment Tool (PEMAT) is a systematic method to evaluate and compare the understandability and actionability of patient education materials. It is designed as a guide to help determine whether patients will be able to understand and act on information. Separate tools are available for use with print and audiovisual materials.
The 2012 review found 6 studies (combined N = 23 048). In a meta-analysis, the pooled odds ratio for condom use was 2.01 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.42-2.84) for the most recent sexual encounter and 2.10 (95% CI: 1.51-2.91) for a composite of all condom use outcomes. Studies had significant methodological limitations. Of 518 possible new citations identified in the update, no new articles met our inclusion criteria.
When people make decisions with a pre-selected choice option – a ‘default’ – they are more likely to select that option. Because defaults are easy to implement, they constitute one of the most widely employed tools in the choice architecture toolbox. However, to decide when defaults should be used instead of other choice architecture tools, policy-makers must know how effective defaults are and when and why their effectiveness varies. To answer these questions, we conduct a literature search and meta-analysis of the 58 default studies (pooled n = 73,675) that fit our criteria. While our analysis reveals a considerable influence of defaults (d = 0.68, 95% confidence interval = 0.53–0.83), we also discover substantial variation: the majority of default studies find positive effects, but several do not find a significant effect, and two even demonstrate negative effects. To explain this variability, we draw on existing theoretical frameworks to examine the drivers of disparity in effectiveness. Our analysis reveals two factors that partially account for the variability in defaults’ effectiveness. First, we find that defaults in consumer domains are more effective and in environmental domains are less effective. Second, we find that defaults are more effective when they operate through endorsement (defaults that are seen as conveying what the choice architect thinks the decision-maker should do) or endowment (defaults that are seen as reflecting the status quo). We end with a discussion of possible directions for a future research program on defaults, including potential additional moderators, and implications for policy-makers interested in the implementation and evaluation of defaults.
Breakthrough ACTION has distilled guidance on social and behavior change (SBC) monitoring methods into a collection of technical notes. Each note provides an overview of a monitoring method that may be used for SBC programs along with a description of when to use the method and its strengths and weaknesses.
Based on benefit-cost analysis, increased productivity and employment may have substantial economic benefits over several decades:
$1,251 to the state as a whole for each $1 invested in the SDR social marketing campaign.
$36 in benefits to the state government for each $1 invested.
In a meta-analysis of real-life experiments drawn from food science, nutrition, health economics, marketing and psychology, the authors find that behavioural nudges - facilitating action rather than providing knowledge or inducing feelings - can reduce daily energy intake by up to 209 kcal, the same number of calories as in 21 cubes of sugar.
***Psychology offers three general propositions for understanding and intervening to increase uptake where vaccines are available and affordable. The first proposition is that thoughts and feelings can motivate getting vaccinated. Hundreds of studies have shown that risk beliefs and anticipated regret
about infectious disease correlate reliably with getting vaccinated; low confidence in vaccine effectiveness and concern
about safety correlate reliably with not getting vaccinated. We were surprised to find that few randomized trials have
successfully changed what people think and feel about vaccines, and those few that succeeded were minimally effective
in increasing uptake. The second proposition is that social processes can motivate getting vaccinated. Substantial
research has shown that social norms are associated with vaccination, but few interventions examined whether
normative messages increase vaccination uptake. Many experimental studies have relied on hypothetical scenarios
to demonstrate that altruism and free riding (i.e., taking advantage of the protection provided by others) can affect
intended behavior, but few randomized trials have tested strategies to change social processes to increase vaccination
uptake. The third proposition is that interventions can facilitate vaccination directly by leveraging, but not trying to
change, what people think and feel. These interventions are by far the most plentiful and effective in the literature.
To increase vaccine uptake, these interventions build on existing favorable intentions by facilitating action (through
reminders, prompts, and primes) and reducing barriers (through logistics and healthy defaults); these interventions also
shape behavior (through incentives, sanctions, and requirements). Although identification of principles for changing
thoughts and feelings to motivate vaccination is a work in progress, psychological principles can now inform the
design of systems and policies to directly facilitate action.
We applied a Hidden Markov Model* (see Figure 1) to examine how and why behaviours did or did not change. The longitudinal repeated measure design meant we knew about food waste behaviour at two points (the amount of food wasted before and after the program), changes in the amount of food wasted reported over time for each household (more or less food wasted) and other factors (e.g. self-efficacy).
By using a new method we could extend our understanding beyond the overall effect (households in the Waste Not Want Not program group wasted less food after participating when compared to the control group).
The results suggest that there was no significant difference in compliance rates between treatment and control schools six months post-treatment. To our knowledge, it is the first randomized controlled trial evaluating the use of descriptive social norms in increasing immunization compliance rates in a school-based setting. In addition, it serves as an example of embedding a behaviorally-informed experiment in a government program utilizing high-quality administrative data.
This report is a summary of the work of the
Behavioural Insights Team and its partners from
September 2017 to November 2018.
It includes highlights from our six offices around the
world – in London, Manchester, New York, Singapore,
Sydney and Wellington. We also cover our growing
portfolio of BI Ventures, products that draw on
behavioural insights to make positive social impact.
tories, and their ability to transport their audience, constitute a central part of human life and consumption experience. Integrating previous literature derived from fields as diverse as anthropology, marketing, psychology, communication, consumer, and literary studies, this article offers a review of two decades’ worth of research on narrative transportation, the phenomenon in which consumers mentally enter a world that a story evokes. Despite the relevance of narrative transportation for storytelling and narrative persuasion, extant contributions seem to lack systematization. The authors conceive the extended transportation-imagery model (ETIM), which provides not only a comprehensive model that includes the antecedents and consequences of narrative transportation but also a multidisciplinary framework in which cognitive psychology and consumer culture theory cross-fertilize this field of inquiry. The authors test the model using a quantitative meta-analysis of 132 effect sizes of narrative transportation from 76 published and unpublished articles and identify fruitful directions for further research.
The objective of this review was to summarize the literature supporting narrative interventions that target health-promoting behaviours. Eligible articles were English-language peer-reviewed studies that quantitatively reported the results of a narrative intervention targeting health-promoting behaviours or theoretical determinants of behaviour. Five public health and psychology databases were searched. A total of 52 studies met inclusion criteria. In all, 14 studies found positive changes in health-promoting behaviours after exposure to a narrative intervention. The results for the changes in theoretical determinants were mixed. While narrative appears to be a promising intervention strategy, more research is needed to determine how and when to use these interventions.
Three of the best-known health messages are eating five portions a day of fruit and vegetables, getting 150 minutes of exercise a week and quitting smoking.
But what evidence is there that these have worked?
Our work published this week analyses all 111 cases studies of behavioral techniques used by governments compiled by the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development). Our analysis demonstrates that none of the techniques used have scientific proven effectiveness.
To provide practitioners with useful information about how to promote proenvironmental behavior (PEB), a meta-analysis was performed on 87 published reports containing 253 experimental treatments that measured an observed, not self-reported, behavioral outcome. Most studies combined multiple treatments, and this confounding precluded definitive conclusions about which individual treatments are most effective. Treatments that included cognitive dissonance, goal setting, social modeling, and prompts provided the overall largest effect sizes (Hedge’s g > 0.60).
Lifestyle Gamification Case Stats and Figures
OPower: reduced measurable energy consumption by over $100M
Aetna: increased daily healthy activities by 50% with an average engagement of 14 minutes on the site
ClinicalAdvisor.com: embedded a social platform that improved user submission by 300%, comments by 400%, and Slideshow Visualizations by 53%
Bottle Bank Arcade: gamified bottle bank was used 50 times more than conventional bottle bank.
The World’s Deepest Bin: 132% more trash collected compared to conventional bin
Piano Stairs: 66% more of people use the stairs, if they can produce music with it
Speed Camera Lottery: a lottery system that causes a 22% reduction of driving speed
Toilette Seat: 44% of increase in lifting the toilet seat when urinating
Nike: used gamified feedback to drive over 5,000,000 users to beat their personal fitness goals every day of the year
Recycle Bank grew a community of 4 million members by providing a gamified recycling platform.
Chevrolet Volt: uses a green/amber indicator to give drivers visual feedback of their driving style and reduced the number of people exceeding the speed limit by 53%