Two examples of campaigns tackling misbeliefs - one addressing misperceptions of the likelihood of an event (girls contracting HIV in South Africa) and one addressing misperceptions of social norms (women working outside the home in Saudi Arabia):
We test the effectiveness of an entertainment education TV series, MTV Shuga, aimed at providing information and changing attitudes and behaviors related to HIV/AIDS. Using a simple model we show that “edutainment“ can work through an individual or a social channel. We conducted a randomized controlled trial in urban Nigeria where young viewers were exposed to MTV Shuga or to a placebo TV series. Among those exposed to MTV
Shuga, we created additional variation in the social messages they received and in the people with whom they watched the show. We find significant improvements in knowledge and attitudes towards HIV and risky sexual behavior. Treated subjects are twice as likely to get tested for HIV eight months after the intervention. We also find reductions in STDs among women. These effects are stronger for viewers who report being more involved with the narrative, consistent with the psychological underpinnings of edutainment. Our experimental manipulations of the social norm component did not produce significantly different results from the main treatment. The individual effect of edutainment thus seems to have prevailed in the context of our study.
The 2012 review found 6 studies (combined N = 23 048). In a meta-analysis, the pooled odds ratio for condom use was 2.01 (95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.42-2.84) for the most recent sexual encounter and 2.10 (95% CI: 1.51-2.91) for a composite of all condom use outcomes. Studies had significant methodological limitations. Of 518 possible new citations identified in the update, no new articles met our inclusion criteria.
The study found that the non-narrative (expository) profile produced a greater increase in knowledge, while the narrative profile led to greater change in more responsible preventive attitudes and behaviours.
Typically, cascades are based on HIV treatment moni-toring data, which focus on getting people living with HIVto a point of viral suppression. HIV prevention cascadesfocus on the steps required to prevent HIV infection andsuccessfully implement HIV prevention programs. Preven-tion cascades include demand-side interventions that focuson increasing awareness, acceptability and uptake of pre-vention interventions, supply-side interventions that makeprevention interventions more accessible and available, andadherence interventions thatsupport ongoing adoption andcompliance with prevention behaviours or products...
Comment from Daryl Mangosing who posted this on LinkedIn:
To me, this isn't surprising, considering that those who take PrEP in *monogamous* relationships would be signaling that they either don't trust their primary partner OR that they themselves are having sex outside the primary relationship: "Men in monogamous relationships were significantly less likely both to think that PrEP is important for their partners and to be willing to convince their partner to use PrEP compared to men in monogamish and open relationships." Should we only focus PrEP uptake where there's a higher likelihood of success, i.e., among non-monogamous couples and not strictly monogamous couples?
Increases in condom use were larger for longer campaigns and in nations that scored lower on the human development index. Increases in transmission knowledge were larger to the extent that respondents reported greater campaign exposure, for more recent campaigns, and for nations that scored lower on the human development index.
This report focuses on how national media campaigns on HIV/AIDS have evolved over the last 25 years in the U.S., reflecting the changing nature of the disease as awareness and treatment have progressed. It also provides insight on the approaches, historic